Culture Transcends Religious Practices
I selected Mukabele as the field site to study, as the timing of the participant observation overlapped with Ramadan. It is difficult creating extra time for other activities except for school, work, and praying this month, so choosing mukabele helped me to gain time. Also, I always find religious communities -especially Islamic ones- interesting and fascinating as the notion of unity is highly highlighted in Islam. Most of the rituals in Islam are practiced within cemaat in which people from various backgrounds take place.
“The timing of mukabele gatherings in Ramadan is crucial to grasp the cultural image of Muslim women.”
I conducted participant observation in a mosque close to a gated neighborhood where wealthy, affluent, and conservative individuals reside. As a result, the cemaat often consists of site residents. despite being very large, the mosque is well-built, contemporary, and spacious. Unlike some masjids and mosques, it doesn’t have an old, musty smell. Carpet of the mosque is turquoise, with no density of Islamic art such as tezhip but Arabic calligraphy (hat) on the walls. In mosques, there is a stage called mihrab where the imam and cemaat sequentially arrange behind him. The entrance floor is dedicated to men, women use the upstairs. The women’s floor is U-shaped and airy, able to see men’s floor as well. Normally, for praying times, the floors are segregated as such, but in this context, we are not here to pray but to join mukabele.
Mukabele refers to while someone loudly reads the holy book Qur’an, audiences follow. Mukabele is a tradition Muslims onset during Ramadan when they start to fast. Because Qur’an consists of 30 juzs, 20 pages each, 600 pages in total. As Ramadan is 30 days long, reading 20 pages each day enables Muslims to hatim etmek. Usually, mukabele gatherings are arranged among women who are assumed to be housewives or more unlikely to go to work during Ramadan compared to men. As a Muslim woman in her 20s, I heard of a mukabele arranged among men only in the morning prayer, which considers their working time during the day.
In my context, I was in the mosque during Ramadan in order to join mukabele and tefsir lecture afterward. Hence, the mosque was used by women cemaat solely, and the lecturer and the one who reads Quran loudly in mukabele was an old woman hoca. She graduated from the faculty of theology and works as a vaize within the Ministry of Religious Affairs. She has not a doctoral degree in any department but has developed herself by reading intensely. She is not committed to any kind of tariqat. She has a rationalist and logical interpretation of the issues.
Mukabele runs from 10.30 a.m. to 12.00 p.m. for 30 days. I had opportunity to go within these hours for 4 times. Taking field notes was my only recording technique. I sat on the corner of the mosque and took notes while I was one of them. Even if I wasn’t required to observe this atmosphere, I would still be a participant in it. I had to situate myself in such a proper position that I could avoid bias and take one step behind from my sociologic location, and take off my everyday glasses. Observing my community both had pros and cons. Although I knew religious terminology and rituals, being accustomed to them would bind me with subjective opinions and interpretations. I therefore made an effort to view everything objectively.
Status of cemaat and vaize is distinct. Mihrap has a tiny elevation and vaize is located in there. Normally, in praying times, this is where imam is located and men are behind him.
As I mentioned at the outset, mukabele is a religious assembly of women, and they are able to utilize the space designated for men in mosques purely for this purpose. We can be more inclusive while identifying these ladies. They are usually housewives, don’t work, and are above 40. As a young Muslim woman who both works and goes to college, I am not available in the morning hours, and can’t attend these gatherings regularly even though I wish. Since I was a kid, mukabeles has been taken place in the morning hours and I think they are crucial to address how a picture of a Muslim woman is formed. They spend their time at gatherings at homes, cafés in the morning hours although in Islam, the first revelation is to read, and Muslim people are encouraged to be hardworking and develop themselves constantly; wasting time and gossip are prohibited. It is ironic that the vaize is also a woman who developed herself in a society where customs and culture are intended to promote Muslim women’s stereotypes of domesticity. I can argue that in religious practices, culture transcends religious doctrines.
Moreover, the cemaat can be split into two: women of the high-income gated community and regular followers of the hoca. Women from the gated community have similar fashion styles, wear expensive luxury brand şal and the way covering their hair is similar. Hoca’s followers’ clothes are more colorful and they wear eşarp rather than şal. Hoca also has a foundation (not commited to any tariqat), so members of it sit close to hoca. There are women with children as well, they generally sit on the corners and create spaces for kids and they play games. Hence, women have three types of obtained status in this context: social status, economic status, and socioeconomic status. There are women who are rich and have ties with the foundation; who just have ties with the foundation, and who are just rich.
There are unspoken rules in mosques. Firstly, people are obliged to take off their shoes as it is a praying space. Keeping the praying space and clothes clean is obligatory in Islam. People are expected to be quiet and keep their phone volume down. If it is praying time, women and men use the space dedicated to them. Children who come to the mosque with their parents usually play games loudly or run, which is encouraged in Islam. However, people expect parents to look after their children. Also, hoca starts her speech firstly with a dua in which she demands Allah to speak fluently, and express herself purely. Then, she reads Quran for 45–50 minutes followed by a dua and tefsir lesson.
Except for observing a community that I place in, there were other limitations of my observation. I could conduct some interviews, and have a conversation with one of a random woman or hoca. That would enrich the content of the participant observation and would double my sensation. I didn’t mention the hoca’s name who is a public figure to obey ethical rules. Since I did not conduct any in-person interview or conversation, I didn’t get informed consent from anyone. Additionally, I may look at the services offered to Muslim women and their usage trends to acquire perspective on how culture interferes with women’s religious education.
In sum, the timing of mukabele gatherings in Ramadan is crucial to grasp the cultural image of Muslim women. Also, my observation enabled me to evaluate the context regarding cemaat’s socioeconomic status although it was subjected to some limitations.
